Senator Markwayne Mullin’s announcement Monday that he now supports ending the Senate filibuster is more than a personal policy pivot—it marks a significant realignment within the GOP, one that could dramatically reshape how legislation is passed in Washington if the party consolidates power in 2025.
Posting “Let’s go all in” to X, Mullin threw his support behind President Donald Trump’s growing calls to “nuke” the 60-vote threshold that has long served as a guardrail against partisan overreach. His rationale? If Democrats are going to destroy the filibuster the next time they get the chance, Republicans might as well beat them to it—and put conservative policy in place while they have the votes.
It’s a high-stakes move that acknowledges something often left unspoken in these debates: the filibuster is only safe as long as both sides pretend to believe in it. And as Mullin bluntly put it, no one really believes the Democrats will preserve it when it’s in their interest not to.
My position on the filibuster has changed.
Let’s go all in. pic.twitter.com/KrOONgLdQN
— Markwayne Mullin (@SenMullin) December 15, 2025
Speaking to Fox News host Will Cain, Mullin explained that his hesitation was rooted in concerns about precedent. “Why would we open the door wide open for the Democrats?” he asked. But after a recent leadership meeting, Mullin says the answer became clear: the Democrats will kick that door down the moment they see an opportunity. And when they do, they’ll likely go for court-packing, statehood for Washington, D.C. and Puerto Rico, and a host of institutional rewrites designed to solidify long-term power.
“So why not get ahead of them?” Mullin asked.
It’s a strategic shift from defense to offense—and it reveals a growing recognition among Senate Republicans that playing by a set of rules your opponent has no intention of respecting is a losing game. Senate Majority Leader John Thune and other traditionalists remain publicly committed to preserving the filibuster, but that position may soon be politically untenable if another Democrat-led shutdown hits the country on January 30.
That looming funding showdown—engineered in part by Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer—is already being telegraphed as a pressure tactic. And if Democrats decide to let the government grind to a halt again in an effort to push through ACA extensions or force Republicans into policy concessions, the calls to end the filibuster will only intensify.
Mullin’s point is a calculated one: if the GOP uses its window of opportunity to pass sound, popular policy—on the border, the economy, energy, or the courts—then any attempt by Democrats to reverse it would come with a steep political price.
One thing is clear: the Senate’s old rules are clashing with the new political reality. And come January, that collision may be impossible to ignore.
